Since World War II, the Middle East has been a locus of increasing American attention. In fact, the U.S. position in the Middle East has recently produced a "peace process" that, broadly defined, seems to be expanding into a challenge to rival the Cold War in the U.S. strategic imagination.

Partly because of relentless U.S. involvement in the Middle East, a political counter-force has emerged that is more global than Arab nationalism and more deeply rooted than communism ever was: Islamic radicalism. In this context, what should U.S. policy be toward Islam, and how can the United States in its leadership role develop a comprehensive policy toward the Middle East at large and the role of Islam in it, and bridge the gap between the needs of an increasingly frustrated Muslim/Arab world and those of the state of Israel?

First, the United States must recognize that the disturbing proliferation of local and regional conflicts in the area threaten vital U.S. interests. We must take into consideration the impact such conflicts have on energy supply, energy security and pricing. Consequently, we should closely work with the 20 million Christians in the region as a bridge between Muslims and Jews if we ever need to narrow the difference between Israel and Muslim/Arab world.

The United States should realize that a politically strong and economically prosperous Christian community in the Middle East is the best formula for maintaining a balance of power between the different parties concerned while at the same time curbing Islamic fundamentalism. Take Lebanon, for example: It is today hostage to a Syrian totalitarian dictator, and the country is run by a group of pro-Syrian anti-democratic warlords not because the people of Lebanon have elected them; but because for the sake of achieving peace between Syria and Israel, we have decided to abandon the Christian community; the essence of the free, pro-Western Lebanon we used to know. Incidentally, by our actions, we have let the Islamic fundamentalists backed by Iran, Syria and a puppet government in Lebanon run the country's affairs. In the meantime, both the Jewish population in Northern Israel and the Christian population in Southern Lebanon as well as Muslim moderates across the country are taking the heat.

Second, the United States should also strengthen its support of and work more closely with the region's nascent democracies so that they emerge as stronger allies to the West. Lebanon should serve as a warning to what may happen to other Middle East emerging democracies if the United States lets their Christian community down. It is clear, for example, that what is being waged today in Lebanon is an economic war between the Christian community and the Muslim-led government. However, unlike the 1975-1990 military war, this war is a silent one. It is in fact a struggle between two communities to gain economic power and influence the democratic process. Thus, it should not be surprising to anybody to see Prime Minister Rafik Hariri promoting Lebanon to his Muslim/Arab friends the way he does. The rationale being that the larger the portion of Lebanon he controls (with the backing of his Syrian and Saudi friends), the more clout and influence he believes he will have in fulfilling the Muslim/Arab agenda in the region.

Third, the United States should promote privatization and market economies as the most effective approach to diminish the manifestations of social injustice which give rise to extremism. A key element is effective political dialogue between governments and a broad spectrum of their societies, coupled with viable economic policies that benefit large sectors of the populations involved and the creation of middle classes. Here again, and using Lebanon as an example, the United States has failed miserably because the former "Paris of the Middle East" falls way short of the model that we would aspire to. Furthermore, it is a fact that only a small business and political elite, led by Mr. Hariri, is benefiting from the country's rebuilding process.

Fourth, the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict will hopefully help to defuse anti-Western sentiment among Muslims and undercut the influence and spoiler potential of the Islamic extremist groups, especially in the Levant. This conflict has been an important factor in forming Muslim attitudes toward the West. In this context, it becomes even more important that the efforts of the United States to advance the Arab-Israeli peace process be accelerated. The worst case scenario is when terrorism is on the rise and the peace process is not moving forward. Hence, the United States should strongly support Middle East governments in their respective fights against terrorism. However, this should not only include Israel in its fight against Hamas, but also Lebanon in its fight against Hezbollah.

In summary, the U.S. government in the elaboration of its policies after the Cold War and on the eve of the next century must take cognizance of the underestimated role of the Christian community in Middle East affairs. The establishment of diplomatic ties between the Vatican and Israel is an important step toward enhancing religious dialogue between Christianity and Judaism.

As the peace process confirms the end of the struggle between the Arab nationalist states and the state of Israel, the struggle may gradually be re-expressed, not between the Arabs and Israel, but between Muslims and Jews. After all, religious identities are far older than national identities in the Middle East. Thus, the United States needs to build bridges. What can be better than backing the Lebanese and other Arab Christians in the region in bridging the gap between the Muslim Arabs and the Israeli Jews?

The United States let down the Lebanese Christians in the past in their quest for a better Middle East. The time has come for the United States to realize that supporting an independent and sovereign Lebanon and boasting its Christian community will be of tremendous benefit to the region. By acting creatively and assertively, the United States can demonstrate real leadership at this important historic crossroads in a vitally important region of the world.

© Copyright 1997-2004 United States Committee For A Free Lebanon. All rights reserved.

Would you like to comment on this article?

USCFL Home     Golden Circle     Membership     Mission Statement   Current Views
US Testimonies     Intelligence  Special Reports    Activities    Action Alerts    Selected Links
Selected Readings      Guestbook     FAQs     How to Contact Us     Search